Editor, BBC Tigrinia

The President of the Eritria, which once praised as part of a new generation of reformist African leaders, has recently recognized 32 years of power, defying expectations for a long time.
Yeshi’s Afwerky now spends 20 km (12 miles) capital Asmara on a dusty hill at his rural residence.
Since Cabinet has not met since 2018, all the authority flows through him, and as he is strong he receives a series of local authorities and foreign dignitaries in his retreat.
It is a magnet for ordinary Eritreaans, hoping that Ius can help with their problems.
The 79 -year -old never faced an election in his three decades of power and there was no less sign about changing soon.
But in the 1990s, things looked very different.
When Yeshias was 45 years old, as a rebel leader, his Eritrian People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) defeated Ethiopia in 1991. Those who fight in the war are remembered on June 20 every year on the day of martyrs.
Tall and charismatic, he prompted promise in the country and abroad.
In 1993, after the Formal independence, Yeshias appeared as the head of the nation on the international forum.
In Cairo, where he participated in the Continental Leaders Summit, he said the old -generation African leaders “wanted to stay in power for decades”.
He pledged that Eritria would never replicate the same old failed approach, and assured the democratic order that is the basis for the social and economic development of his people. Their stance also won the praise from Eritrians and diplomats.

Riding the enthusiasm of the early years of independence and enjoying the glowing international reception, Yeshias sought a close relationship with the West.
In 1995, after the invitation of the Eritrian leader to the oval office, US President Bill Clinton expressed his appreciation of the country’s strong start on the path of democracy.
Eritria is expected to establish a new constitution only to establish a law and democratic system.
Yeshias had to be a “conversion president” until the constitutional government was elected. The new constitution was approved by a constitutional meeting in May 1997.
But as in 1998, the war began between Eritria and neighboring Ethiopia on the disputed border, as the Eritians and the world were expecting national elections.
It was alleged that he used the war as a justification to postpone elections indefinitely.
He had promised a multilateral democratic system and his resolve was tested after a peace agreement in 2000.
Weapons, including several cabinet ministers, former close friends and comrades, began to call for a reform.
In an open letter issued in March 2001, a group of senior government officials, known as the G -15, accused the president of abusing his powers and becoming more arbitrary. He called for the implementation of the Constitution and National Elections.

Starting in the mid -1990s, the Eritrians tasted some independence, emerging newspapers carrying crucial voices – including from the inside of the ruling party, the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) has been renamed.
The Transition National Assembly has decided when elections will take place, the Election Commission is being formed and the laws of the political party are in debate.
The country seems to be on a slow path towards democracy.
However, this fragile opening was abruptly closed in September 2001, but the world’s attention was focused on 9/11 attacks in the US.
In the same morning, the authorities stopped all independent newspapers, effectively silent the critical voices. Many editors and journalists have been arrested and have not seen again.
At the same time, the government arrested 11 former Foreign Ministers, Head of Armed Forces and several members of the National Assembly. They were not there Seen or heard since then.
The promises of many Eritreaans were destroyed.
But Yeshias have already turned away from introducing democratic changes.
“I had no intention of participating in political parties,” he said in April 2001.
“I have no intention of participating in a political party, and I have no intention of participating in the political party in the future.”
He described the democratic process as a “mess”, saying that the PFDJ was not a party.
For many, it was clear that the president would not allow democratic reforms.
Failing to hold the silence and elections of critics, the Pariya of his country gained the status.
However, their supporters say they were unjustly targeted by Western countries and praise them as a symbol of national liberation.

In 2002, he dissolved a conversion meeting unauthorized, which intended to make them liable and effectively did the same in the Cabinet in 2018.
Some of the elderly ministers who have no real authority now lead weak government institutions, and many ministries, including defense, remain without ministers.
Many wonder why the freedom leader took such a repressive turn.
Former Regional Governor and Senior Ambassador Abdella Adem, says that Isaas never believed in democracy and always had an obsession of power. Mr. Abdella, who is now living in London, said that he led the EPLF with an iron fist before independence.
“They are systematically weakened and fight the public legitimacy and the credentials that can question their authority.”
To some surprise, in May 2014, Yashias announced the plans of the new constitution, then said that the constitution, which was later approved in 1997, was “dead.” But since then no progress has been made.
The proposal to write a new constitution may have been triggered by a rebellion attempted by senior military officials in 2013.
He drove the tanks to the capital and seized the control of national TV and radio stations for several hours.
Realizing that the effort was failed, he tried to enforce the 1997 constitution and broadcast the call to release political prisoners. But the security forces pulled the plug mid-bradcast.
Many officials, including ministers, governors, diplomats and general, were arrested. The hero of the rebellion killed himself to avoid bondage.
Former diplomatic Geraslasi Shikar left his post in Nigeria and took refuge in the UK. He was arrested after his boss, Ambassador Ali Omeru, an experienced in the War of Independence and was not counted.
Mr. Geraslasi, a PhD candidate from the University of UK Leeds, says, “The government does not allow true political and social institutions or the law of the law,” says Mr. Geraslasi, a PhD candidate from the University of UK Leeds.
“It is in this case that the Constitution of Eritria is unspecified and the collapse of government institutions to the President’s office should be understood.”
The internationally isolated Yeshias withdrew from the global level. He stopped attending the summit such as the UN General Assembly and the African Union meetings.

According to the World Bank assessment last year, the country’s economy “struggled”.
“The financial activity is restricted to the infrastructure, the state dominance, the limited competition and the strict import controls,” the authors said, the financial sector remains a “weak”.
In an interview with State TV in December last year, Yeshias himself accepted the problems.
“The livelihood economy does not take us anywhere. At present, we are not in a better position than many other African countries in this regard,” he said.
Yeshias denies humanitarian help, referring to the fear of dependence that ruins the principle of “self -reliance.”
For many Eritrians, especially for young people trapped in an indefinite national service, authorities justify the conflicts and tense relationships with its neighbors, Everyday life is a nightmare. In repressive administration, they face the future with little hope or freedom.
Disilled with the lack of political progress, and tired of the forced and forced and tired of state violence, many risk their lives to escape the search for independence.
Over the past two decades, millions have fled, crossing deserts and seas to find a safe haven. The Eritrians are currently the third general nationalism to have the status of refugees in the UK.
On their Independence Day last month, Yeshias gave no clue about any changes that many Eritreaans wanted to see. There is no mention of the constitution, national elections or release of political prisoners.
At the same time there was no vision plan to turn the country’s Moribund economy.
Despite the criticism of the home, President Isaas has retained the support of some parts of the population, especially the military, the ruling party networks and those who see them as a symbol of resistance against national independence and foreign intervention.
The President has strong support in some of the Diasporas, believing that Western forces are conspiring to destroy the freedom of the hard -winning freedom of Eritry.
As the frustration in Eritria increased, Yeshias retreated to his home in 2014 from Asmara, which ignores the Adi Halo Dam, who closely monitor his production.
As Yeshias gets close to 80, many are afraid of what will happen.
It was reported that a clear attempt to decorate his eldest son as a heir was restricted to the 2018 Cabinet meeting because there were no more meetings.
But there is no clear sequence plan or reliable opposition in the country that changes the current administration, it is difficult to emagine the future without Isaas.
“The office of the President has been holding the country with a collapse,” Mr. Geraslasi warned.
During this year’s Easter holidays, it can be seen that Yeshias are kissing the cross during the church mass in Asmara. Some believe that they are seeking spiritual liberation, while others think they can release political prisoners.
However, for now, Yeshias remains in control as a vision, but the Eritrians continue to wait for their long and anxiety for change.
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