Russian and Ukrainian delegations met Istanbul on June 2 to explore the possibility of a ceasefire for the second time in a month. Negotiations lasted for an hour and again, no meaningful progress was achieved. As of May 16, both sides have said that they have laid the foundation for the exchange of prisoners. But despite the Ukraine’s proposal to hold another meeting before the end of June, there is a deeper and undeserved partition between Keiv and Moscow.
Most meetings are unlikely to change it. At the beginning of the war, Russia is demanding a full list of the conditions set by President Vladimir Putin: Ukrainian neutrality, the government, and the surrender of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Japory IZ and Khasson areas. Amidst two rounds of talks, Putin increased the right, adding the demand for the “buffer zone” in North Ukraine.
Keiv, meanwhile, is the vision of the vision. It refuses to give up any area and states that a full ceasefire along all fronts is a non -negotiable pre -negotiation for serious talks.
Still, both sides are ready to continue diplomatic data.
These talks are not really about achieving peace or obtaining a permanent bilateral agreement. Both sides are not genuinely negotiated with someone else. Instead, the two are using the platform to send messages to the United States – and Donald Trump is specifically.
This functional continues despite the recent efforts to stay away from the war, claiming that he could end within 24 hours of returning to the White House. That change in rhetoric is echoed by the key figures of their administration. Vice -President JD Vans and Foreign Secretary Marco Rubio represented the opposite ends of the Republican Spectrum in Ukraine – almost approved the surrender of Vans Putin, and both of the Senate’s vowel in Ukraine Hawks have no interest in interested in the conflict. By reflecting that inaction, unlike those in May, there was no high -level transmission meeting between us and Ukrainian officials in Turkish before recent talks.
Despite Rubio’s clear reverse – is intended to match with Trump – Ukraine is still widespread support in the Senate, including senior Republicans. The bipartisan bill aims to consolidate and impose new restrictions on Russia-which is due to the restructuring of Trump’s withdrawal authority. The authors of the bill, Senators Lindsay Graham (R-Sahat Carolina) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Connecticut) recently traveled to Keiv to reiterate their support. Graham suggested that the bill could continue in the coming weeks.
Still, Ukraine knows that the bill has little chance in the House of Representatives without Trump’s blessing. Despite Trump’s constant hatred of Ukrainian President Volodimair Jelensky, Keiv has recently adopted a more destructive posture, especially after his destructive February meeting in Washington. The Ukrainian government quickly signed and approved the “minerals agreement” by Trump last month. The post -meeting between the two leaders – apart from Pope Francis’s funeral – is significantly more productive.
So far, Kaiv’s consolation strategy has made some change in Trump’s way. Although Trump has occasionally hinted at taking a tough stance on Putin – usually in response to the Russian attack on Ukrainian citizens – they are constantly turning to them. For months, he has promised to reveal his plan for Ukraine in about two weeks, which did not give a vague assurance. A package of new restrictions prepared by its own team a month ago is still untouchable.
Kaiv presses with talks, hoping that Trump may force him to act from the US Senate. Just a day before Istanbul talks, Russia began a night attack on Ukraine, flying over 430 missiles and drones. Ukraine responded strongly: On June 1, it carried out a large drone strike into Russia, destroying dozens of military aircraft, including airborne command platforms and nuclear-capacity bombers.
Yet these high -level losses have not reduced Putin’s strategy to change. They continue to use the consultation process as a smoking parade, providing a political envelope to Trump for their inaction. Meanwhile, the Russian forces are continuing, making increasing gains in the Sumi area of North Ukraine – where they hopes to establish a “buffer zone” – and Nai wi Donetsk pushes forward in front.
Finally, Ukraine’s ability to hit the Russian region, including weak goals such as oil infrastructure, can be more influential in the path of war than any result. Yet military surge or stalled diplomacy is unlikely to bring a quick end to conflict.
Trump says I am disgusted with the number of citizens of this war, even though Putin stops blaming him for starting. But this is the lack of Trump’s strategy – their hesitation, mixed signals, refusing to lead – it increases conflict, increases its cruelty and increases its risks to global stability.
Trump’s consultants can call it “peace by power”, but we are witnessing the pose by pose. The Russian delegation in Istanbul was never a step towards resolution – it was a diplomatic decoy and protected the cruel military advance. If Trump refuses to support a serious surge in the pressure on Moscow – by renewing expanded restrictions and military assistance to Keiv – they do not fail to end the war. He cooperates in enhancing it. In front of him
The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the author’s own and the editorial stance of Al Jajira.
